ជម្លោះ​កម្ពុជា​-​ថៃ ចំពេល​ភាព​ចលាចល​ផ្នែក​ច្បាប់ និង​នយោបាយ

 

In the pre-dawn hours of 28 May 2025, Thai and Cambodian troops exchanged gunfire at a contested segment of their border, in the Chong Bok area where Thailand’s Ubon Ratchathani province meets Cambodia’s Preah Vihear province. This brief, ten-minute skirmish left one Cambodian soldier dead. Each side blamed the other: Cambodia’s defence ministry accused Thai forces of opening fire first on a long-held Cambodian trench position, calling the act an “unprovoked” violation of Cambodian territory. The Thai military, in turn, stated that its patrol confronted Cambodian soldiers encroaching on a disputed area and came under fire first, prompting Thai troops to retaliate in self-defence. Both governments swiftly moved to contain the incident. Field commanders communicated to disengage, and by day’s end, troops on both sides had stood down, agreeing to handle the issue through diplomatic channels.

Top leaders immediately opened lines of communication. The very next day, 29 May, the commanders-in-chief of Thailand and Cambodia conferred, and the prime ministers of both countries personally spoke to each other. In these exchanges, each side expressed concern and a mutual interest in preventing escalation. They agreed to de-escalate tensions and utilise established bilateral mechanisms for dispute resolution, chiefly the Joint Boundary Commission (JBC), to investigate the incident and address underlying boundary issues. Both Bangkok and Phnom Penh publicly reaffirmed their commitment to a peaceful resolution and stressed that overall border stability would be maintained. Cambodia’s foreign ministry lodged a formal diplomatic protest, demanding a joint investigation and justice for the Cambodian fatality, even as it affirmed “maximum restraint” and willingness to solve all border issues through dialogue under existing agreements. Similarly, Thailand’s government issued a statement on 4 June underlining its adherence to international law and peaceful negotiation, urging the Thai public to remain confident that the situation was under control and would be resolved “based on principles of good neighbourliness” within the ASEAN family.

Thailand swiftly rejected the move. Citing its non-recognition of the ICJ’s compulsory jurisdiction since 1960, Bangkok lodged a formal protest and reaffirmed that the 2000 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) and the Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) remain the appropriate forums.

Despite initial pledges of bilateral diplomacy, the late-May firefight highlighted enduring border disputes and pushed Cambodia to pursue legal action. In early June, Prime Minister Hun Manet secured near-unanimous parliamentary support to seek third-party adjudication. On 15 June, Phnom Penh formally petitioned the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to resolve four contested areas: the “Emerald Triangle” (Mom Bei/Chong Bok) and three ancient temple sites: Ta Moan Thom, Ta Moan Touch, and Ta Krabey. Hun Manet framed the move as a commitment to peaceful resolution under international law.

Thailand swiftly rejected the move. Citing its non-recognition of the ICJ’s compulsory jurisdiction since 1960, Bangkok lodged a formal protest and reaffirmed that the 2000 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) and the Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) remain the appropriate forums. Thai officials insisted that existing mechanisms, including the General and Regional Border Committees, should be allowed to function. Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra’s government refused to acknowledge any future ICJ ruling and reiterated its commitment to bilateral processes. At the 14–15 June JBC meeting in Phnom Penh, Thailand avoided referencing the ICJ entirely, focusing instead on procedural matters. Cambodia, for its part, declared it would no longer discuss the four disputed areas bilaterally, having chosen the legal route. Nonetheless, both sides maintained a civil tone and agreed on technical steps, such as joint surveys and mapping, to continue boundary demarcation in less contentious zones of the 820km border.

Following the late-May clash, both Thailand and Cambodia significantly reinforced their military presence along the border, raising fears of a broader confrontation. Troops were placed on high alert, with armoured vehicles and artillery reportedly moved to sensitive zones. Despite these deployments, field commanders maintained communication to avoid misunderstandings. Meanwhile, political rhetoric escalated. Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen accused “extremist” Thai generals of inflaming the crisis and criticised Bangkok’s inability to control its military; remarks that drew backlash in Thailand, particularly given his past ties to the Shinawatras. Thai army leaders responded with statements affirming their commitment to national sovereignty, indirectly cautioning the civilian government against making concessions.

By mid-June, concerns over escalation led to crisis talks. At the 14 June JBC meeting in Phnom Penh, delegations from both sides failed to resolve the core disputes, still, they agreed to maintain communication between military commanders and pledged to de-escalate. However, tensions persisted. Thailand warned it might impose unilateral measures if Cambodia appeared uncooperative. Within days, it acted: on 23 June, the Thai army closed most land border checkpoints with Cambodia across seven provinces, citing national security and the presence of transnational scam operations based in Cambodia. The government limited border crossings to essential travel and shortened visa-on-arrival periods for Cambodian nationals.

Phnom Penh swiftly retaliated. Labelling the closures “unilateral and unjustified,” Cambodia shut several of its own checkpoints and demanded that Thailand lift restrictions. Prime Minister Hun Manet insisted that Thailand reverse its actions first, stating that the onus for de-escalation lay with Bangkok. Cambodia also announced it would end reliance on Thai electricity and internet services, turning to alternative providers, and imposed restrictions on Thai agricultural and consumer imports.

Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn faced significant pressure after a leaked recording of a phone conversation with Cambodia’s leader Hun Sen in which she discussed a border dispute between the two countries and called Hun Sen “uncle” and said that if there was anything he wanted, she would “take care of it”. She also made critical remarks about a senior Thai military commander. Thailand’s constitutional court suspended the prime minister, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, in the case of the leaked phone call. Interior Minister Phumtham Wechayachai assumed caretaker responsibilities two days after Paetongtarn was banned from duties.

On the morning of 24 July, clashes erupted near the Khmer Hindu temple of Ta Muen Thom. According to the Thai military, Cambodian troops had opened fire near the temple. A surveillance drone was deployed before troops with heavy weaponry, including rocket launchers, were sent in. Cambodia, however, rejected these allegations, with its Ministry of National Defence stating that it was the Thai military that initiated the first armed assault. “Cambodian forces acted strictly within the bounds of self-defence, responding to an unprovoked incursion by Thai troops that violated our territorial integrity,” the ministry said in a statement. In a statement posted online, Hun Manet said: “Cambodia has always taken a stand to solve problems peacefully, but in this case we have no choice but to respond with armed forces against armed aggression.” By 25 July, Thailand had evacuated more than 130,000 people along the Cambodian border. Reports on July 26 indicated at least 32 fatalities (predominantly civilians) and over 168,000 displaced persons.

“This present incident of aggression is escalating and could develop to the stage of war,” Thailand’s acting prime minister Phumtham Wechayachai told reporters in Bangkok. “However, right now we are still at altercation level, battling with heavy weapons. What we have done so far are to protect our land and sovereignty of our nation. [sic]” Human Rights Watch (HRW) subsequently urged both governments to adhere to international humanitarian law and protect civilians, citing concerns about the use of artillery and rockets in populated areas. HRW also noted a Thai military spokesperson’s statement on July 25 acknowledging the potential use of cluster munitions “when necessary,” a practice condemned by the international community.

The United States, China and Malaysia, which is the current chair of the ASEAN regional bloc, have offered to facilitate dialogue, but Bangkok is seeking a bilateral solution to the conflict, Thai foreign ministry spokesperson Nikorndej Balankura told Reuters. “I don’t think we need any mediation from a third country yet,” Nikorndej said in an interview.

Nevertheless, amidst mounting international pressure and following urgent diplomatic efforts, notably facilitated by Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim as ASEAN chair, Thailand and Cambodia have agreed to an “immediate and unconditional” ceasefire, effective midnight of July 28. The agreement, announced by Prime Minister Anwar after talks with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thai Acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai in Putrajaya, Malaysia, is a significant breakthrough that aims to de-escalate tensions and pave the way for a return to normalcy and further diplomatic resolution of the underlying border disputes.

CSCR